Islam and the Arab Awakening

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Tariq Ramadan’s New BookComing soon. Read an excerpt :Naming

Nobody seemed to expect them, many hesitated on how to call them. When the popular protests began in Sidi Bouzid, Tunisia, on 17 December 2010, numerous interpretations emerged as to the nature of the events. The wares of a young street vendor, Mohammed Bouazizi, had been confiscated and he had set himself on fire in protest. His act could be explained by such factors as an unbearable economic situation, poverty, unemployment, police repression and authoritarian rule. The following weeks were to bring dramatic change to the Middle-East, North Africa and the world. On 14 January 2011, dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali left Tunisia and sought refuge in Saudi Arabia. On 27 February, a new government took office after a series of events: two months had changed the face of Tunisia. Chanting “Get out” to the despot, his family and his regime, the people had had the better of dictatorship. Meanwhile, the world looked on in surprise as the phenomenon gathered momentum. Egyptians followed Tunisians, starting 25 January 2011, and through impressive mobilizations on the now-famous Liberation Square (Midan at-Tahrir) they in turn toppled President Hosni Mubarak on 11 February 2011. Things moved fast, very fast. In Algeria, attempted mobilizations failed while Morocco saw a series of impressive protests focused around 20 February 2011 (giving rise to the 20 February Movement): reforms were imperative. The domino effect particularly intensified in the Middle East: the King of Jordan dismissed his Prime Minister (1 February 2011) and promised social reforms to contain the protests. The Libyan people rebelled despite fierce, insane repression, and on 15 February 2011 a National Transitional Council was set up, leading to a full-scale civil war with the support of the West and NATO. Massive protests began in Bahrain on 14 February 2011, and demonstrations even took place in Saudi Arabia in March 2011, meeting particularly fierce repression. The wave of protests engulfed Yemen starting 27 January 2011, a few weeks after two men had set themselves on fire following the Tunisian example. In Syria, a few sporadic protests began on 26 January 2011. They gave way to more organized uprisings as of 15 March 2011 in spite of very harsh repression and of isolation due to impossible media coverage and the hesitations of the international community.

From December 2010 through March 2011 to the summer 2011, protests never stopped, spreading through the Middle East and North Africa. All those mass movements share common characteristics (protests against social and economic conditions, refusal of dictatorship, fight against corruption, etc.) but each also has very specific features requiring individual analysis. Thus, the first challenge has been to name and qualify the phenomenon, both in its inception and expansion: were these revolutions, uprisings, popular protests, or even ‘intifadas’ (uprisings) as was initially suggested in Tunisia to recall the Arabic word now linked to Palestinian resistance? Was this an “Arab spring” like the European revolutions of the recent past? Were these “Jasmine Revolutions” or “Dignity Revolutions”? The names and interpretations are very different whether one considers the phenomenon with more or less optimism. Some see this as the birth of a new era, a radical turning-point between past and future, and boldly speak of revolutions. Others are more cautious and say that “popular uprisings” are changing the political setups of North Africa and the Middle East, though it is too early to say whether this is actually a renewal. Others see them as revolts or popular mobilizations, unable so far to trigger off reforms which may not, after all, change the political and economic power relations in the Arab world. Lastly, others just refuse to believe it: those mass movements are controlled from abroad – had not President George W. Bush announced a democratization movement? – and they are but a transition towards a new type of Western control and domination. There is a broad spectrum of interpretations, then, from a “spring of the peoples” to a new expression of the “disguised cynicism of power-mongers”: how should we understand all this? How should we name it?

Analysis suggests that the term “revolution” is somewhat excessive. Can we really call this a revolution, either from the perspective of political order or of the economic balance of powers? Are those popular movements over and have they reached their objectives? Clearly not, and it is far too early for us to say that they will. Yet, the extreme position that sees the absolute, all-knowing hand of the Western powers behind those mass mobilizations seems just as excessive. Obviously, from Tunisia to Syria through Egypt, Bahrain and Yemen, Western allies have played a part and tried to control or chart the course of events, but their having planned the revolts seems impossible. Midway between incomplete revolutions and conspiracy theories, we prefer to use the term “uprisings” to describe the common character of the mass movements in Arab countries. Thus, women and men of all religions and social backgrounds took to the streets, without violence and without attacking the West, to demand the end of dictatorship, of economic corruption and of peoples being denied respect. According to the useful categories defined by Jean-Paul Sartre, uprising lies between revolution and revolt, and becomes revolution once it is carried to its full extent and brings down the existing system (both political rule and the economic structure). On the other hand, if it is incomplete or manipulated, or if it fails, it becomes a revolt in history, expressing the peoples’ aspirations without concretizing their hopes. The term “uprisings” thus conveys cautious optimism and the idea that those revolts are already facts while the revolutions so far remain hopes, in all Arab countries without exception (…)

13 Commentaires

    • Actually I am very surprised TR already produced a book on this very actual topic. Hmmm, that’s what they mean with prolific writer. I have another complaint though; how can we call the uprisings Arab when in Egypt Copts and Arabs stood side by side in Tahrir, when the 20 feb movement in Morocco was led by Berbers and the Nafusa-Berbers played a crucial role in Lybia?

    • The « Arab world » is an outdated tern that the new, democratic region(s) should drop. The sooner there will be peace.

    • Arabism and the truth do not go together very well. I have read that Tariq ibn Ziyad is an Arab, the same for Sakahdine or even Abdelkrim al Khatrabi. Arabism is thrives on misinformation and lack of education. I have much hope for the future generations of the MEBA.

    • MEBA should be MENA: Middle East and North Africa, which contains all peoples not just Arabs. We the Berber accept this word.

    • Don’t be a « top-new’s slave! » Take a Break by reading constructed analysis with a constructed language.

  1. Salam

    i listened to your analysis of the Arab uprisings , and there is a lot of it that i share with you , and some that i don’t , and what i find interesting , is that you say that you are not in the conspiracy theory just to be in a conspiracy theory, but rather that, you say that you have proofs that these events were programmed by someone , so it is like a proven conspiracy , because you say that there are signs that show that these event were partly planned , because of economic reasons , i do share this analysis but i don’t see why Tunisia , because it is a small and not very rich country , and i don’t think the US administration is ready to risk a democratic election in Egypt giving its Geo-political role in the region . but I understand when it comes to Libya and Qaddafi.
    But if what is happening is realty programmed by the Americans or anyone else , then i must say that i am really impressed , because i did not think that it was possible for someone to make this huge number of people go in the streets and risk their lives in order to change regimes , i did not think that such a thing was possible (for human beings at least)
    I agree on a very important point you have said, and it is sad for example to see the debates going on in Tunisia and Egypt , but it has always been like that , in Algeria for example in the late 80s and early 90s , it was the same ,we had more then 60 political party and we had no real debates on the real issues (economy , education , Independence ,,,) maybe because the people have no idea about the importance of these problems .
    I hope that the Egyptians and Tunisians will soon finish this secular vs Islamist debate so they can begin to tackle the other real issues of the country.

  2. Je vais formuler mon opinion bien que je sois en grande partie en accord avec vous.
    L’émotion déplaît quand elle est signe d’exacerbation ou expression du leurre.
    J’ai bien compris ce que vous dites. Mais j’ai quelques réticences de penser que l’émotion soit au centre de l’erreur.
    L’histoire a montré que les personnes les plus émotionnelles auraient sans doute fait les plus grands génies ; quoiqu’on eu rien vérifié de concret.
    J’ai bien compris ce que vous disiez : qu’on pouvait jouer des émotions de la masse en matière politique, quand vous citez les réactions superficielles des uns et des autres. Mais ne pensez vous pas plutôt que finalement si nous nous trompons ou que nous sommes superficiels, ce serait plutôt à cause de nos conceptions, de nos schémas mentaux, de nos croyances, de nos valeurs ? Qu’est ce qu’une émotion après tout ? Cela n’est rien. L’émotion nous permet comme vous disiez dans un autre de vos textes, l’analyse ; et vous en aviez déduit qu’elle la faisait varier.
    Mais pensez qu’on soit, soit émotionnel soit rationnel ? Les deux fonctionnent de paire. Il existent des personnes très émotionnelles, mais qui se portent très bien (je ne parle pas des émotions négatives violentes, quoiqu’elles disposent de moyens plus promptes à les gérer, mais bref). Et sont elles superficielles pour autant ? L’émotion permet la sensibilité qui transmet l’information. Elle peut être de qualité. Les femmes sont émotionnelles, du moins, plutôt émotionnelles ; à ce que disent les scientifiques, certains le démentent, mais les IRM parlent tellement. Bref je n’entrerais pas dans des sujets inconnus, et j’éviterais de me perdre dans un détail sans valeur.


    Une autre question sur le mode affirmatif, étant donné que mon commentaire est né pour demeurer dans l’orphelinat.
    Vous dites – et je n’aurais pas la prétention de vous contredire – eu égard à votre légitimité de dire. Mais vous dites que nous ne devons pas nous victimiser. Se victimiser c’est se transformer en victime. Or un état de fait ne peut devenir ce qu’il est déjà. Vous rétorquerez qu’il ne faut pas être si littéraliste, certes. Toutefois les africains, les juifs et les italiens avant d’être respectés, ils en appelaient au respect de leur droits, et sans ne rien vous nier de votre qualité, car vous êtes mieux placé que moi, dites moi simplement : comment réclamer nos droits sans être dans une position de lésés, en d’autres termes de victime. Oui vous rétorquerez que j’ai mal compris, que vous souhaitiez simplement dire, qu’il ne faut pas se victimiser pour éviter d’agrandir le fossé entre nous et l’autre, et donc nous perdre dans les différences. Je l’ai bien compris. Mais nous sommes victimes de l’application d’une Justice à géométrie variable. En d’autres termes, vous avez raison de dire qu’il ne faut pas se victimiser au sein du peuple, mais qu’il faut sommer, les politiciens de conformer leur actions à la Justice. Est ce suffisant ? Combien de temps attendront nous ? 2 générations. Peut être. Les mémoires sont toutefois marquées par les guerres, mais pas seulement. La conjecture serait bonne quand il s’agirait de rester optimiste tout en donnant l’espoir à la Communauté en leur permettant par la suggestion, de construire sur du positif.


    Les politiciens français vous ont dit et répété :
    -les musulmans se victimisent
    -les musulmans se communautarisent
    -vous êtes… ceci celà.


    Prenez garde à ces imbéciles.
    Franchement, nous ne nous victimisons pas, nous sommes victimes d’un système à géométrie variable, car il est usurpé par certaines élites. Et nous nous communautariseront s’il faut le faire au nom de la conservation de la morale et donc de la protection des droits de tous les français par la même occasion, car nous sommes universalistes de principe.


    Je sais que je n’ai pas la prétention d’être publiée à cause de l’image que j’ai mis et du langage employé.

    Salam ^^

    Mon image :

    • Asalamualaikum!

      When will the book be published: Please kindly quote price and full address(email as well) of publisher.Will it be available in UK? Thank you.

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